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This December, 194 countries will be in Cancun, Mexico to continue negotiations on international efforts to address climate change. My colleagues and I are in Mexico City this week for a series of discussions with key government officials, NGOs, businesses, and members of the media so we’ve been reflecting on Cancun. The Cancun climate negotiation session (COP16) must serve three critical functions to ensure the continued progress on international climate change efforts and to rebuild some of the trust lost during and after Copenhagen.
First, at Cancun, the international community needs to prove to countries and the world public that it can work together to address climate change. It is essential that countries make some progress in Cancun and show that the international system can work. This is paramount, as a perceived failure will make it even more difficult to build political momentum within the UN system and may lead the public and countries to disengage.
Second, Cancun needs to produce agreement on aspects of the key implementing activities to be delivered by the international agreement –e.g., clean energy technology deployment, deforestation reductions, improving the resilience of countries to the impacts of climate change, etc. While it is unlikely that every aspect of these issues will be resolved in Cancun, it is possible to make significant progress on each of these issues at Cancun. The notion of “nothing is agreed, until everything is agreed” must be set aside in favor of re-establishing confidence by progressively building the agreement component by component.
Third, COP16 needs to produce momentum and enough progress that COP17 (in South Africa) and the Rio 2012 Earth Summit can finalize additional commitments and implementation steps.
The “Road to Cancun” moves haltingly forward with the conclusion last Friday of the United Nations climate talks in Bonn.
According to a UN press release, the two-week negotiating session made “important progress towards concluding what was left incomplete at the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in 2009”.
The Bonn talks were the first official negotiations since the end of the highly charged COP15 climate talks in Denmark last December, from which came the Copenhagen Accord, leaving almost everyone disappointed and dissatisfied.
A big step forward is now possible at Cancun in the form of a full package of operational measures that will allow countries to take faster, stronger action across all areas of climate change,” said Yvo de Boer in one of his final press conferences before stepping down as Executive Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
A more positive tone than COP15…
The challenge of balancing the interests and responsibilities between developing and industrialized nations continues, but with less of the divisiveness that characterized COP15, plagued from the start with “leaked texts” and unrealistic expectations.
Alden Meyer, director of strategy and policy for the Union of Concerned Scientists, characterized the tone for the Bonn negotiations as “generally more positive,” with delegates “really engaged with the issues.”
… but not for everyone
Not all were as hopeful; the real work continues in reconciling the differing realities and perceptions of rich and poor nations.
Bonn was a “step backward” according to Martin Khor, director of the South Centre, pointing to increased demands on developing countries, most notably to peak emissions by 2020.
The text has become even more imbalanced towards developed country interests,” Khor said in a statement.
Nor was all well for the plight of small island nations when late in the session Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Venezuela blocked approval for a study on options for limiting global temperature increase to within 1.5 degrees Celsius this century.
Taking the long view
The process of international climate negotiations is defined by a chain of “COP” cities – Kyoto (COP3), Bali (COP13), Poznan (COP14), Copenhagen (COP15); and now on to Cancun, and more significantly to Capetown in 2011, where the next real hope of reaching any binding international agreement is pinned.
Key to success in Capetown in 2011 is progress in Cancun in 2010. But even then, the process of negotiating and implementing a finalized, all-encompasing international agreement on climate change requires a longer view than most are willing or able to consider.
A final climate deal will likely take another 20 years – maybe even 40. Christiana Figueres, the incoming Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC, told reporters last week in Bonn. If a “final, conclusive, all answering” climate agreement is ever reached, it will happen “certainly not in my lifetime,” she said.
If we ever have a final, conclusive, all-answering agreement, then we will have solved this problem. I don’t think that’s on the cards,” Figueres said, adding such a process will “require the sustained effort of those who will be here for the next 20, 30, 40 years.”
Given such an outlook, the urgency of each step in the process is apparent, even if maddeningly, frustratingly small and inadequate to its task. A journey of a thousand miles is only accomplished with a succession of small steps. Easier said than done.
The real failure comes in failing to try. And failure is not an option.
Despite the flourishing rhetoric at the outset of the COP15 climate conference in Copenhagen last December, by the time the conference got underway it was already apparent that the degree of tension and mistrust between the developed and developing world would likely hobble efforts to negotiate a “fair and binding” agreement to deal with climate change at an international level.
But it was the “Danish text” written by Danish Prime Minister Lars Rasmussen that set the tone for suspicion and back room dealings pitting rich against poor, developed against developing nations. So says UNFCCC Executive Secretary Yvo de Boer in a letter (pdf) written to his colleagues only days after the conclusion of the conference, and just released in a book by Danish journalist Per Meilstrup. In the letter, de Boer lays much of that failure and mistrust at the feet of the draft text from Rasmussen:
[It] destroyed two years of effort in one fell swoop,” de Boer wrote to colleagues. “All our attempts to prevent the paper happening failed. The meeting at which it was presented was unannOne ounced and the paper [was] unbalanced.”
The draft text was meant to be revealed when the talks met in deadlock – a sure thing to happen – but the problem, de Boer implies in his letter, was that the draft text was clearly advantageous to the United States and the west, steamrolling the poorer developing nations. The text was leaked to the press after it was presented to a few countries a week prior to the start of COP15. Not surprisingly, the approximately 157 countries that did not get to see the draft before it was leaked were offended and outraged, and the talks faltered from the start.
In his book, however, Meilstrup characterizes the Danish text as the “jewel in the crown of the presidency’s strategy,” saying that in fact the draft was “quite fair and balanced” and stood a chance of success if it had been presented in a more diplomatic fashion. Had it been so, a “much stronger outcome” would have resulted from the two-week climate summit.
All those heads of state a “mistake”
In his letter, Yvo de Boer also commented that in the end, inviting all the heads of state (120 in all) to the conference turned out as a serious mistake:
Inviting heads of state seemed like a good idea. But it seriously backfired. Their early arrival did not have the catalytic effect that was hoped for. The process became paralysed. Rumour and intrigue took over”, de Boer wrote in his letter.
By Guest Post· Comments (0) · Wednesday,April28th,2010
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Dear EarthTalk:There have been many contradictory reports (“it was good; it was bad”) about what came out of “COP 15,” the December 2009 international Climate Change Conference held in Copenhagen. Can you set the record straight? – Jay Killian, Brookline, MA
Indeed hopes were high that international negotiators in Copenhagen last December at the 15th Annual Conference of Parties (COP15) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) would be able to hammer out a strong agreement to once and for all take the climate beast by the horns and begin to reign in carbon emissions worldwide. But a new binding formal agreement was not to be, mostly because of conflicting priorities among participating countries.
Even a weaker 11th hour voluntary “framework” put forth by the U.S., China, India, Brazil and South Africa failed to win consensus support among the 119 attending heads of state. However, the resulting Copenhagen Accord – which aims to keep global temperatures from reaching any more than 2 degrees C (3.6 degrees F) above pre-industrial times – did leave the door open for a stronger agreement later, with developing countries pledging a total of $30 billion in the short term and $100 billion a year by 2020, mostly to help less developed nations adopt policies and technologies to keep carbon footprints small moving forward.
“This accord cannot be everything that everyone hoped for, but it is an essential beginning,” reports UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. “The bad news is that the Accord is not legally binding and provides no plan of how to limit emissions,” says climatologist Mark Maslin of the University College of London’s (UCL) Environment Institute, pointing out that the original text leading up to the meeting called for a global cut in emissions of 50 percent by 2050, including an 80 percent cut by all developed countries.
The lack of detail in the resulting Accord regarding specific emissions reductions targets means cooperation is completely voluntary, which is not what environmentalists want to hear. “The Accord should be seen as simply a face-saving agreement,” comments Maslin. “The politics are clear: Some developed and the richer developing countries resisted the call for legal limits to emissions.”
The failure of COP15 to generate a binding agreement means that international policymaking will likely take a back seat in the effort to wean ourselves off of fossil fuels and profligate carbon emissions. Chris Flavin of the U.S.-based Worldwatch Institute believes that future progress on climate “will be driven more by domestic economics and politics rather than the international negotiating process.”
Flavin goes on to say that climate change mitigation will depend on the ability of individual nations “to persuade domestic constituents that they will benefit economically as well as environmentally from an energy transition.” He adds that future UN climate talks should focus not on overarching agreements but on practical goals like providing funding for poor countries to mitigate and adapt to climate change, accelerating international cooperation on technology, and coordinating a global effort to protect the world’s remaining forests given their capacity to store large amounts of carbon. “Efforts over the next few years will determine whether Copenhagen was a fatal setback for efforts to combat climate change, or just a painful mid-course correction,” concludes Flavin.
The first meeting of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) since the chaotic conclusion of the COP15 climate conference late last year in Copenhagen concluded yesterday amid a general theme of “picking up the pieces” from the “shattered” process of international climate negotiations.
COP15 ended with the Copenhagen Accord, hammered out in the final hours of the two-week conference, among only five of the 193 nations in attendance. The process, more than the result, led many to call for “restoring trust” in that process – particularly between rich and poor nations, an ongoing theme that dogged the proceedings in Copenhagen. While many government negotiators agreed to the sentiment of renewed trust at this weekend’s meeting (implying, of course, that trust was there to begin with) none of the 175 nations in attendance offered any concessions to further that goal.
UNFCCC Executive Secretary Yvo de Boer gave a positive spin at the conclusion of the meeting, saying that “At this meeting in Bonn, I have generally seen a strong desire to make progress.” But he also held out little hope – perhaps burned by the hype in the run-up to COP15 – of any legally binding international treaty being reached later this year at the COP16 conference in Mexico.
The Americans do not want a second round of Kyoto. It is very possible we will see two agreements emerging from Cancun,” said de Boer over the weekend.
One of the principal aims of the Bonn meeting was to determine how many extra meetings to hold in preparation for COP16 to help insure progress, if not binding agreements. In addition to the meetings already scheduled, negotiators agreed to add two more negotiating sessions. Not quite the clip of last year’s head-long rush to Copenhagen, but still an added push in a hopeful attempt to work through the continually thorny problems of forging an agreement among the varied interests of rich and poor, north and south, developed and developing.
The UN Climate Change Conference in Cancun must do what Copenhagen did not achieve: It must finalize a functioning architecture for implementation that launches global climate action, across the board, especially in developing nations,” said de Boer.
In practical terms, hopes now seem pinned more to 2011, at COP17 in South Africa, as the next possible opportunity to forge a real, binding climate agreement among all participating nations.